美國(guó)名人著名演講詞選(中英文對(duì)照)

1、Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865) Years he as President: 1861-1865 Party affiliation: Republican Schools: Altogether had about less than one year of formal education Occupations before President: Riverboat captain, postmaster, lawyer Did you know: Issued the Emancipation Proclamation (獨(dú)立宣言) that declared

2、forever free those slaves within the Confederacy on January 1, 1863； Led the American Civil War (內(nèi)戰(zhàn)) fighting for the freedom of the salves 提示一：他出生于社會(huì)低層，具有勤勞、儉樸、謙虛和誠(chéng)懇的品格。 提示二：他那敏銳的洞察力和深厚的人道主義童識(shí)，使他成為美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)。提示三：善于總結(jié)經(jīng)驗(yàn)的總統(tǒng)贏得了歷史學(xué)家們最高的評(píng)價(jià)。亞伯拉罕林肯無疑是這方面的佼佼者。葛底斯堡戰(zhàn)役，是美國(guó)內(nèi)戰(zhàn)最艱苦卓絕的戰(zhàn)役，該役最后以南軍被迫撤退，北軍勝利告終，雙方傷亡人數(shù)

3、共達(dá)數(shù)萬。這是南北戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)。林肯總統(tǒng)1863年11月在葛底斯堡國(guó)家公墓落成典禮發(fā)表了著名的葛底斯堡演說。 英文The Gettysburg Address Delivered onNovember 19, 1863Read by Jeff DanielFour score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, 1)conceived in Liberty, and 2)dedicated to the 3)proposition that all men are cre

4、ated equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long 4)endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a 5)portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their l

5、ives to that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we can not 6)consecrate we can not 7)hallow-this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or

6、8)detract.The world will little note, nor long re-member what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work, which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to

7、 the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain-that this nation, under 6od, shall have a new birth of free-dom-and

8、that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not 9)perish from the earth.中文葛底斯堡演說發(fā)表于1863年11月19日87年前，我們的先輩們?cè)谶@個(gè)大陸上創(chuàng)立了一個(gè)新國(guó)家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生來平等的原則?，F(xiàn)在我們正在進(jìn)行一場(chǎng)偉大的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，以考驗(yàn)這個(gè)國(guó)家，或者任何一個(gè)孕育于自由和奉行上述原則的國(guó)家是否能夠長(zhǎng)久存在下去。我們?cè)谶@場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的一個(gè)偉大戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上集會(huì)。烈士們?yōu)槭惯@個(gè)國(guó)家能夠生存下去而獻(xiàn)出了自己的生命，我們來到這里，是要把這個(gè)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)的一部分奉獻(xiàn)給他們作為最后安息之所。我們

9、這樣做是完全應(yīng)該而且是非常恰當(dāng)?shù)?。但是，從更廣泛的意義上來說，對(duì)這塊土地，我們不能夠奉獻(xiàn)，不能夠圣化，不能夠神化。那些曾在這里戰(zhàn)斗過的勇士們，活著的和去世的，已經(jīng)把這塊土地圣化了，這遠(yuǎn)不是我們微薄的力量所能增減的。我們今天在這里所說的話，全世界不大會(huì)注意，也不會(huì)長(zhǎng)久地記住，但勇士們?cè)谶@里所做過的事，全世界卻永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)忘記。毋寧說，倒是我們這些還活著的人，應(yīng)該在這里把自己奉獻(xiàn)于勇士們?cè)谶@為之奮斗、努力推進(jìn)、但尚未完成的事業(yè)，倒是我們應(yīng)該在這里把自己奉獻(xiàn)于仍然留在我們面前的偉大任務(wù)-我們要從這些光榮的死者身上汲取更多的獻(xiàn)身精神，來完成他們已經(jīng)完全徹底為之獻(xiàn)身的事業(yè)；我們要在這里下定最大的決心，不讓

10、這些烈士的鮮血自流；我們要使國(guó)家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生；要使這個(gè)民有、民治、民享的政府永世長(zhǎng)存。解釋1) conceive V. 構(gòu)思，懷孕 2) dedicate to 獻(xiàn)身于 3) proposition n. 主張，建議4) endure, 耐久，忍耐 5) portion n, 一部分6) consecrate v. 獻(xiàn)給 7) hallow v. 使. 神圣 8) detract v. 轉(zhuǎn)移 9) perish v. 毀滅簡(jiǎn)評(píng)：1Four score and seven years ago，遠(yuǎn)比eighty-seven years ago來得更有份量，更加凝重。score與ago

11、在音韻上也更耐琢磨。 2dedicate，consecrate，hallow三個(gè)動(dòng)詞的連續(xù)，恰當(dāng)?shù)倪x用：排比的句式，一氣呵成：接連兩個(gè)it is for us把強(qiáng)調(diào)的對(duì)象轉(zhuǎn)移到現(xiàn)在活著的人。 3 全文的最后一個(gè)長(zhǎng)句包含著四個(gè)由that引導(dǎo)同位語從句，具體說明了the great task remaining before us的是什么。Franklin D. Roosevelt 富蘭克林羅斯福 1933.3.4. 演講者簡(jiǎn)介：羅斯福在1933年成為總統(tǒng)當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)正陷于世界性的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)之中。羅斯福以他的能力為人民創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)并帶去援助。羅斯福的許多施政觀點(diǎn)至今仍是美國(guó)治國(guó)方針的一部分。 Presi

12、dent Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preemi

13、nently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing

14、we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essent

15、ial to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our abil

16、ity to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands

17、of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken b

18、y no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes i

19、n the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankinds goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of

20、public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to fo

21、llow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the tem

22、ple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill o

23、f creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow

24、 men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct

25、 in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Witho

26、ut them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recru

27、iting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the ov

28、erbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the

29、power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that t

30、heir costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely

31、 public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must b

32、e a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other peoples money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session,

33、detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in p

34、oint of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

35、The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America a recognition of the old and the permanently important

36、manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself

37、, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on eac

38、h other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready

39、 and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in t

40、imes of armed strife. With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancesto

41、rs. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world ha

42、s ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But i

43、t may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, w

44、ith the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered

45、a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may

46、 He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.肯尼迪就職演講 （約翰肯尼迪）1961.1.20.演講者簡(jiǎn)介：約翰肯尼迪是一位戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)英雄，普利策獎(jiǎng)獲得者，五十年代大部分時(shí)間時(shí)的參議員。1960年11月，年僅43歲的他成為美國(guó)歷史上由選舉產(chǎn)生的最年輕的總統(tǒng)。1963年11月22日他在德克薩斯州的達(dá)拉斯遇刺身亡，是美國(guó)歷史上第四位死于暗殺者的子彈的總統(tǒng)。 We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Sym

47、bolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish

48、all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare no forget today that we ar

49、e the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling

50、to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet and hardship, su

51、pport any friend, oppose and foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty.This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided

52、there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall

53、not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the glo

54、be, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ca

55、nnot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot b

56、ecome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the Uni

57、ted Nations, our last and best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writte

58、n and run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge, but a request ,that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons,