斯里蘭卡超市蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈分析外文翻譯（可編輯）

1、斯里蘭卡超市蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈分析外文翻譯 外文翻譯原文analysis of vegetable supply chains of supermarkets in sri lanka material source:/0. author;manoshi perera, sarath s. kodithuwakku and jeevika weerahewa the structure of different supermarket vegetable supply chains operating in sri lanka. supermarkets with a small number of

2、outlets one or two outlets procure their vegetable requirement from the traditional wholesale market through an intermediary i.e. vegetable supplier.vegetables move along traditional vegetable supply chains until they reach the wholesale market. therefore, such supply chainssupply chain c are mere e

3、xtensions of the existing traditional vegetable supply chains. supermarkets with a fairly large number of outlets 7 or 8 outletsprocure their up-country vegetable requirement from vegetable collectors who bring vegetables to the central purchasing unit cpuof the supermarket. once the vegetable order

4、 is faxed to the vegetable collectors, they travel around the up-country area purchasing vegetables from farmers at the roadside. they then engage in sorting the vegetables and those which are of superior quality are sold to the supermarket while those rejected by the supermarket are sold at the who

5、lesale market or to certain retailers willing to buy them at a slightly lower price. since the vegetable collectors pay the farmers the same farm gate price offered by traditional vegetable supply chains and they purchase vegetables from the roadside in an ad-hoc manner, the existence of such supply

6、 chainssupply chain d is not beneficial to the farmer as it does not pay a higher price for their produce nor provide them with a guaranteed market. the supermarket with the highest number of outlets i.e. 64 has regional vegetable collecting centers located in vegetable producing areas. farmers as w

7、ell as vegetable collectors bring vegetables to these collecting centers supply chains a and b. before doing so, they obtain order from the person in charge at the regional collecting centre the previous day. the vegetable requirements of the supermarket are conveyed to these regional vegetable coll

8、ecting centers and accordingly vegetable orders are issued to the farmers and the vegetable collectors. upon arrival, the supermarket employees working at the regional vegetable collecting centre inspect the vegetables and whatever is of suitable quality is bought while the rest is returned usually

9、such returns are very low. the supermarket does not adhere to quality standards stipulated by formal certificates. rather, the quality parameters actually adopted are mostly related to the physical attributes of the produce such as size, color, texture and whether the produce is free from pest and d

10、isease attacks. farmers sell the remaining part of their harvest which is not of the quality required by the supermarket to vegetable collectors in the traditional market or send them to commission agents at the wholesale market through transporting agents. vegetable collectors sell rejects to retai

11、lers in the near vicinity at a slightly lower price. the purchasing price of the vegetables for the day is decided by the head office in colombo and is conveyed to these regional vegetable collecting centers while ensuring that the price is higher than the price offered by traditional vegetable supp

12、ly chains. the selected vegetables are loaded into standard crates belonging to the supermarkets. afterwards the vegetables are transported in freezer trucks to the central purchasing unit cpu from which they are dispatched to individual outlets. the operations of the supply chain b is similar to th

13、at of d, where the vegetable collector pays the farmer the same price prevailing in traditional vegetable supply chains and purchases vegetables in an ad-hoc manner. however, the supermarket vegetable supply chain a, where the supermarket buys directly from the farmer and sells directly to the consu

14、mer is different from the existing traditional vegetable supply chains and thus can be termed as an alternative supply chain created by the supermarket with the largest number of outlets. majority of the vegetables moving through traditional supply chains pass via the main wholesale markets in dambu

15、lla and colombo. therefore, traditional vegetable supply chains that move through the dambulla and colombo wholesale markets illustrated in figure 2 were chosen for comparison purposes. the alternative vegetable supply chain a created by the supermarket with the largest number of outlets was compare

16、d with traditional vegetable supply chains and the findings were as follows. it was observed that the price offered to the farmers by the vegetable supply chain of the supermarket is higher than that offered by traditional vegetable supply chains. since the supermarket purchases only vegetables of s

17、uperior quality and since they have to compete with traditional vegetable supply chains, it is essential that the price offered by the supermarket be higher than the price offered by the traditional vegetable supply chains in order to stimulate the farmers to sell their harvest to the supermarket in

18、stead of to the individuals involved in the traditional supply chains. the transparency in the transaction between the buyer and the farmer is relatively low among traditional vegetable supply chains. the commission agents tend to quote a price to the farmers which is lower than the price for which

19、the vegetables were actually sold at the wholesale market. they also reduce a certain amount of the weight, stating that the vegetables have been damaged and dehydrated while being transported. since the farmer is not present at the transaction, he has no choice but to accept the stated figures. thu

20、s, the commission agents are known to take undue advantage of the farmers. this situation is especially prevalent in the colombo wholesale market .in comparison, the farmer is present during the quality inspection process at the regional collecting centre of the supermarket and spot cash payments ar

21、e made when the vegetables are purchased. therefore, there is a higher degree of transparency in the transaction at the farmer level with respect to the supermarket vegetable supply chain compared to the traditional vegetable supply chains. individuals such as transporting agents and “nattamies” who

22、 engage in loading and unloading do not acquire title i.e. ownership for the vegetables they handle. therefore they are neither conscious nor feel themselves accountable for the quality of the produce. due to the lack of quality consciousness and accountability, transporting agents overload the sack

23、s of vegetables and “nattamies” tend to drop vegetable sacks from the top of the transporting vehicles while handling them, not being bothered about the damage caused on impact. these practices have eventually led to much of the vegetables being wasted as post harvest losses. in contrast, quality co

24、nsciousness and accountability is prevalent throughout the supermarket vegetable supply chain. farmers are conscious of the quality since otherwise their produce will be rejected at the regional vegetable collecting centre. supermarkets are conscious of the quality because they cater to a consumer s

25、egment which is quality conscious in the traditional vegetable supply chains, quality signals are not being passed down to the farmers. farmers are paid by the weight and they are not given a premium price for quality. thus, their main focus is to increase the weight. this has in turn led to some fa

26、rmers engaging in certain mal-practices such as putting stones and inferior quality vegetables in the middle part of the sacks of vegetables. on the other hand, only vegetables of superior quality are purchased from farmers at the regional vegetable collecting centers and they are paid a premium pri

27、ce for such vegetables. therefore, quality signals are being passed down to farmers along the vegetable supply chains of the supermarket and it ensures that only inputs of superior quality enter the supermarket vegetable supply chain. the number of intermediaries involved is comparatively high in th

28、e traditional vegetable supply chains as opposed to the supply chain of the supermarket where the supermarket is the only intermediary present between the producer and the consumer. post harvest losses are negligible along the vegetable supply chain of the supermarket 1 to 3 percent, whereas in the

29、traditional vegetable supply chains the post harvest losses are as high as 35 to 40 percent. this is a serious problem with regard to the traditional vegetable supply chains, as a considerable portion of the total harvest is lost and the cost is ultimately born by the producer and the consumer. in c

30、onclusion it can be stated that the emergence of supermarkets by itself do not create alternative supply chains of vegetables that are different from the existing traditional vegetable supply chains. however, as the number of outlets belonging to the supermarket increases, they acquire the necessary

31、 economies of scale to adopt a vegetable supply chain of their own where they buy directly from the farmer and sell directly to the consumer. such supply chains are efficient and effective compared to traditional vegetable supply chains in terms of paying a higher price, higher degree of transparenc

32、y in the transaction, presence of quality consciousness and accountability throughout the supply chain, quality signals being passed down, less number of intermediaries involved in the supply chain and occurrence of comparatively low post harvest losses. such supermarket supply chains have reduced t

33、he level of monophony in traditional vegetable supply chains by creating an alternative market for farm produce. it allows farmers to sell the superior portion of their harvest at a higher price. at the same time, it was found that in hanguranketha, the prevalence of the particular supermarket suppl

34、y chain has prompted the buyers attached to traditional supply chains to increase the price offered to farmers. however, this situation was not prevalent in nuwara-eliya due to insignificance of the amount of vegetables being purchased by the vegetable collecting centre of the supermarket. it should

35、 be noted that the supermarket which adopts the above mentioned supply chain that purchases vegetables directly from farmers, also procure a part of their vegetable requirement from vegetable collectors i.e. supply chain b in figure 1. this seems to be the most prominent system in practice at the ve

36、getable collecting centre in nuwara-eliya. in such situations, the benefits of the higher price offered by the supermarket is retained by the intermediary i.e. vegetable collector and neither price nor quality signals are passed down to farmers. farmers are not required to adopt special production p

37、ractices in order to sell their produce to the supermarket supply chain and even the small scale farmers have the ability to sell their produce at the regional vegetable collecting centre. however, it is only the farmers in the near vicinity of the regional vegetable collecting centre who have the a

38、bility to access the supermarket supply chain. those living further away and in areas with poor transport facilities find it difficult and costly to bring their produce to the regional vegetable collecting centre of the supermarket. therefore, it is the accessibility to the regional vegetable collec

39、ting centre that determines which farmers have the ability to sell their produce to the vegetable supply chain of the supermarket. further, the supermarket does not have any formal nor verbal contract agreements with the farmer which states that they would purchase a certain quantity of their produc

40、e at a pre-agreed price at a future date. the farmers obtain an order for a given quantity of vegetables from the regional vegetable collecting centre on the day prior to harvesting and they are paid a price based on the price prevailing in the market during the particular day. due to the prevalence

41、 of uncertainty in relation to the price that will be paid and the quantity that will be purchased by the vegetable collecting centre of the supermarket at the time of harvesting, farmers being risk averters, are not willing to adopt production practices to improve the quality of the produce. the ad

42、option of such practices will increase the cost of production and the farmers may incur a loss if they are unable to sell their harvest to the supermarket as the traditional chains do not offer a premium price for quality. while the supermarket chain with the largest number of outlets has given rise

43、 to an efficient and effective supply chain where the supermarket buys directly from the farmer and sells directly to the consumer. 譯文斯里蘭卡超市蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈分析 資料來源:/. 作者:manoshi perera, sarath s. kodithuwakku and jeevika weerahewa 斯里蘭卡超市蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈有著不同的運作模式。 門店數(shù)量少的超市(1個或2個)通過中介機構(gòu)(即蔬菜供應(yīng)商)在批發(fā)市場進行采購。蔬菜沿著傳統(tǒng)蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈運送到批發(fā)市場。

44、然而,這樣的供應(yīng)鏈(供應(yīng)鏈c)只不過是傳統(tǒng)供應(yīng)鏈的擴展。 擁有大量門店的超市(7個或8個)會從將蔬菜集中到超市中央采購點(cpu)的蔬菜收購商那采購所需的蔬菜。一旦蔬菜訂單傳真到蔬菜收購商那里,他們將會在全國范圍內(nèi)向農(nóng)戶收購蔬菜。然后他們對蔬菜進行挑選,質(zhì)量好的會賣到超市,超市不要的會賣到批發(fā)市場或者一些愿意以稍低價格買走的零售商。盡管蔬菜收購商在田邊收購蔬菜并付給農(nóng)戶和傳統(tǒng)供應(yīng)鏈上相同的價格,但因為不能為農(nóng)戶提供一個較高的價格和一個有保證的市場,這種供應(yīng)鏈供應(yīng)鏈d往往不利于農(nóng)戶。 擁有最高門店數(shù)量的超市(即64個)有一個區(qū)域配送中心坐落于蔬菜采購區(qū)。農(nóng)戶和蔬菜收購商將這些蔬菜運到這個配送中心

45、(供應(yīng)鏈a和b)。在這之前,他們會在前一天接到區(qū)域配送中心的訂單。超市會將蔬菜需求量通知到區(qū)域配送中心,因此超市的訂單會發(fā)給農(nóng)戶和蔬菜收購商。蔬菜抵達后,超市人員會在區(qū)域配送中心檢測蔬菜的質(zhì)量,質(zhì)量好的會買下來,不好的會被退回(通常這樣的回報非常低)。 超市并不遵守正式證書里規(guī)定的質(zhì)量標準。相反,實際采用的質(zhì)量參數(shù)多數(shù)是有關(guān)物理屬性的,比如大小、顏色、紋理、其生產(chǎn)是不是不受害蟲和疾病影響。農(nóng)戶在傳統(tǒng)市場上將他們余下的部分蔬菜(這不是超市所要求的)出售給蔬菜收購商或者通過運輸代理將蔬菜在批發(fā)市場上賣給委員會代理。蔬菜收購商將沒被超市買走的蔬菜以稍低的價格賣給鄰居。蔬菜一天的采購價格由科倫坡的總部

46、決定并告知各區(qū)域配送中心以保證蔬菜價格比傳統(tǒng)蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈高。被挑選過去的蔬菜會裝入標準包裝箱并運往超市。然后將蔬菜用冷凍箱運輸?shù)街醒氩少忺c并派送到各個超市門店。供應(yīng)鏈b和供應(yīng)鏈d的運作相似,都是蔬菜收購商以一種特設(shè)的方式付給農(nóng)戶比傳統(tǒng)蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈上稍高一點的價格。然而超市蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈a中,超市直接向農(nóng)戶采購蔬菜并直接賣給顧客,這跟現(xiàn)有的傳統(tǒng)蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈不同,因此可以稱之為被擁有大量門店的超市創(chuàng)造的“另類”的超市。 在丹布勒和科倫坡,大部分蔬菜通過傳統(tǒng)供應(yīng)鏈運輸?shù)街饕呐l(fā)市場。因此,以通過丹布勒和科倫坡運送的傳統(tǒng)蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈來做比較。擁有大量門店的超市形成的“另類”的蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈(a)與傳統(tǒng)蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈比較的研究結(jié)果如下。 有人指出超市蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈給農(nóng)戶的價格比傳統(tǒng)供應(yīng)鏈給的要高。由于只采購品質(zhì)優(yōu)良的蔬菜,而且要與傳統(tǒng)供應(yīng)鏈競爭,因此給農(nóng)戶更高的價格是至關(guān)重要的。這可以刺激農(nóng)戶將蔬菜以相對較高的價格賣給超市,而不是以個人身份介入傳統(tǒng)供應(yīng)鏈。 在傳統(tǒng)蔬菜供應(yīng)鏈中,買方和農(nóng)戶之間的交易透明度是比較低的。傭金代理傾向于引用一個更低的價格,而這個價格往往比在批發(fā)市場實際銷售的要低。他們還減少實際重量,聲稱蔬菜已經(jīng)損耗或者脫水并運走。由于農(nóng)民在目前的交易中沒得選擇,只能接受既定的價格。因此,委員會代理過分獲取農(nóng)戶的利益是